SUBJECT: BRAZIL'S INDIANS - PART II: INDIAN CONCERNS
REF: A. BRASILIA 0941
¶B. BRASILIA 0946
Classified By: Poloff David G. Mosby for reasons 1.4 B/D.
¶1. (U) This is Part II of a three-part series about Indians in Brazil. This cable reviews the concerns of indigenous leaders. Part I provides an overview and Part III discusses ongoing land disputes.
¶2. (C) Summary. During the 2002 presidential campaign Lula spoke about Indian rights and promised to demarcate and register Indian lands quickly. As a result, Indian leaders and indigenous rights activists were optimistic that many of the longstanding grievances of Brazil's Indians would finally become a GoB priority. However, numerous Indian leaders feel that since Lula took office, he has not paid sufficient attention to their issues. Many express disappointment and even a sense of betrayal. The growing Indian disputes of the last few months, during which time Indians have clashed with farmers and prospectors, in some cases violently, in several states, has served to strengthen these impressions. The president of the GoB's Indian affairs agency defends the government's record but acknowledgs that Lula has not completely lived up to expectations. End summary.
Indian Government Officials Criticize Lula ------------------------------------------
¶3. (C) Antonio Apurina, Director of Assistance Programs for FUNAI (the GoB's Indian agency) and the only Indian in a senior position anywhere in the GoB, harshly criticized President Lula during a February meeting with Poloff. Apurina, a chief of the Apurina tribe and an "alternate" senator for the state of Acre, and Jose da Silva-Jaminawa Tunoma, a chief of the Jaminawa Indians and FUNAI's Chief of Station in Acre, told us the Lula government has not developed a policy to address the problems of Indians in Brazil.
¶4. (C) Apurina said he was "not impressed" with his boss, Mercio Pereira, President of FUNAI. Despite Pereira's background as an anthropologist and specialist in Indian affairs, Apurina accused him of patronizing Indians and said he and Lula are not genuinely interested in dialogue with Indian leaders. He said Indians were disappointed that Lula chose not to appoint the first Indian president of FUNAI and emphasized that he himself is the only Indian senior FUNAI official --criticizing the fact that an Indian had not been placed in charge of Land Issues Directorate, the most powerful of FUNAI's directorates. Apurina said the Lula government has not developed a plan for economic development on reservations and criticized IBAMA, Brazil's environmental protection agency, for contributing to underdevelopment by trying to maintain Indian reservations as de facto nature preserves.
¶5. (C) Apurina said that earlier this year he and several other Indian leaders were invited to speak with Cesar Alvares, Undersecretary General of the Presidency, about the developing Indian crisis, but Apurina said Indian leaders are "sick of talking." Moreover, he was critical of the fact that none of the ministries responsible for improving the conditions of Indians in Brazil (e.g., Justice, Education, Labor, Health, etc.) attended the meeting. The Indians raised a series of concerns with Alvares, who was unable to make any commitments in response. As a result, several of the Indian leaders thought "the meeting was useless," according to Apurina.
Lula - "Disappointment" for Indian Rights NGOs --------------------------------------------- -
¶6. (SBU) Andre Lima, head of the Brazilian NGO "Instituto Socio-Ambiental", which advocates for protection of the environmental and Indian rights, told Poloff that the Lula government has been a "great disappointment." And Jose Eden Pereira Magalhaes, head of the Indigenous Missionary Council (CIMI), a Catholic NGO that advocates for Indian rights, told us (unlike Apurina, above, who is "sick of talking") that the "government does not speak with the Indians."
¶7. (SBU) All four interlocutors commented on the GOB's unnecessary and politically motivated delays in registering indigenous lands. They feel that Lula's quest for a congressional majority has made him unwilling to antagonize powerful politicians from states with significant Indian populations by finalizing the demarcation process. These politicians are beholden to major landowners (or are landowners themselves). Lula, they say, is the first Brazilian president since the 1988 Constitution to reduce the size of an indigenous territory surveyed and demarcated by FUNAI.
Ending the Government's Guardianship of Indians --------------------------------------------- --
¶8. (SBU) These interlocutors also opined that the GOB's Indian problem goes deeper than the question of land. The greater issue is respect for Indians. They explained that the lack of respect is the legacy of a patronizing system of "tutela" --government guardianship-- of Indians that existed before the 1988 Constitution and, in certain respects, still exists today. Despite the Constitution, much of the old legislation --which essentially treats Indians as wards of the state-- remains in force, according to Lima.
FUNAI President Sympathetic But Defends Government --------------------------------------------- -----
¶9. (C) On March 12, Poloff met with Mercio Pereira, president of FUNAI, to discuss the criticisms by the Indian leaders and NGOs. When asked if their assessment was fair, Mendes replied, "It's fair, but it's not fair," acknowledging that Lula had greatly raised expectations and has not lived up to them. However, he emphasized, "this government is doing as much, if not more than the previous government."
¶10. (C) Pereira rejected criticism of Lula for not appointing an Indian as president of FUNAI. "Which tribe would you chose from? There are more than 200 tribes," he said, adding that, "If Lula had picked an Indian as president of FUNAI, there easily could have been violence between Indian tribes." While acknowledging the final registration of the controversial Raposa/Serra do Sol in Roraima state (see Part III of this series) has been delayed for "political reasons," Gomes said the Lula government has finished the demarcation process for all the other territories that were pending when Lula came to office and has moved forward on new demarcations. Asked if the Lula government would fulfill its promise of finishing the demarcation process in four years, Gomes said, "I was optimistic before. Now, I don't know. The government is fragile now because of scandals. It will probably take two terms to completely demarcate and register the final 30 percent."
¶11. (C) Comment. Some Indian leaders and indigenous rights activists feel betrayed by Lula and the PT. They expected this government to be more aggressive on their issues and are disappointed with progress so far. While Indians make up less than one percent of Brazil's population, they hold powerful symbolic value in Brazilian culture and society. Being accused of being insensitive to their concerns is not an enviable position for President Lula.
Tuesday, June 7, 2011
CAN A ROAD SAVE THE AMAZON?
SUBJECT: CAN A ROAD SAVE THE AMAZON? THE BR-163
BRASILIA 00001657 001.2 OF 002
REFTEL: (A) 05 BRASILIA 598,
(B) 05 BRASILIA 2426
¶1. Summary: BR-163 is an unpaved highway located in Brazil's Amazon Forest which leads from the city of Santarem, in the state of Para, to Cuiaba, Mato Grosso. While abandoned for the past three decades, it has once again become a government priority for the development of that area. The region is home to three large hydrographic basins, and is one of the most productive agricultural areas of the country, especially in terms of soybean production. However, the road provides a challenge for the GoB to demonstrate that it can sustainably develop the Amazon and mitigate the construction's potential environmental impacts. End Summary
¶2. The Santarem - Cuiaba road (BR-163) was initially built in 1973 and is approximately 1,756 km long, with roughly 956 km, as of yet, unpaved. If paved, BR-163 would create a more direct route to port for the region's agricultural products, reducing transportation distances by half and representing an estimated 20% decrease in transportation costs for Brazilian soybean producers. Brazil's agricultural boom and the subsequent producer pressure to decrease shipping costs have made paving BR-163 a strategic initiative in terms of both regional and national development. In addition to agribusiness, local politicians and entrepreneurs argue that the road would facilitate the transportation of electronic products from the industrial center in Manaus to markets in the South of the country.
¶3. Even though there are these economic advantages to building the road, there remains significant concern of social and environmental damages associated with its construction. The first time BR-163 was built there was very little planning, which resulted in deforestation, unorganized migration and social conflicts that lead to a considerable increase in violent crime including homicides in the region. This time around, rural communities are demanding government planning in order to minimize impacts from land speculation, predatory exploitation, social violence and environmental degradation. Initial pronouncements surrounding the road's paving caused the area's population to increase by 6% between 1996 and 2000 and recent announcements about the road's future led to a 500% increase in deforestation in the towns along the BR-163. Studies show that road construction and the resulting population surplus generate land problems and, many times, uncontrolled exploitation of natural resources.
¶4. Related to development, land titling and speculation have been historical woes in the Amazon Basin. The process of land occupation in the region started in the 1940s. Mining, cattle ranching and logging were considered the ideal occupational activities for a location that was considered a "demographic blank" that needed to be developed and occupied. Most land occupation was done illegally, without any government control and often within Indigenous Territories. This problem has become so serious that social conflicts and human deaths have been part of the issue and continue to occur, as evidenced by the death of Dorothy Stang last year (Ref A). Unclear land tenure in the region also played and continues to play a central role in the present rate of deforestation. The lack of monitoring and government enforcement, the cheap price of land and high economic return, along with the expansion of soybean production and cattle grazing are all considered obstacles to sustainable development.
¶5. While paving BR-163 has become one of the Lula Administration's priorities, the GoB is attempting to avoid many of the mistakes previously made. With USAID support, local grassroots movements, NGOs and civil society organizations conducted, in 2003, a series of participatory workshops designed to discuss regional development options for the BR-163 region. This was part of the impetus behind the "Santarem Letter" which the BR-163 NGO network presented to the GoB in March 2004. The Letter outlined the actions that the GoB needed to implement in order for the paving to take place in a sustainable manner. After receiving the letter, the GoB convened a technical working group responsible for elaborating a document that establishes the actions and planning necessary for the construction of the highway.
¶6. In paving BR-163, the government's goal is to show that it is possible to develop the Amazon region sustainably. To this end, they have created two new policies. The first is known as the BR-163 Sustainable Plan and involved the work of 17 Brazilian ministries. The plan's initial actions include putting into practice some emergency procedures to intensify the State's presence and public authority in the region. Some of these procedures include supplementary forest inspections and raising the number of personnel in the area. Additional measures are being implemented to ensure public safety, land organization and environmental monitoring, to name a few. Compensational actions for environmental BRASILIA 00001657 002.2 OF 002 hazards and integrated policies, amongst all the states involved, for regional development are also found in the pan. The plan covers seventy one cities: 28 of tem are in the state of Para, 37 in Mato Grosso and 6 in Amazonas covering a total area of 1,23 milion square kilometers. This area corresponds to 2.6% of the total Legal Amazon Region and 14.47% f the nation's territory. Little of the Plan has in fact, been put into practice, due to continued discussions concerning environmental impacts and otential complications. Many communities and NGs fear that the plan looks good on paper, but ma never be implemented.
¶7. Complementing the BR163 Sustainable Plan is the Action Plan for Prevention and Control of Deforestation in the Legal Amaon, which promotes a new development model for te Amazon region based on social inclusion, cultural diversity and economic development. Sustainable use of natural resources will be encouraged through financial incentives, the implementation of environmentally sustainable structure and the recovery of degraded forest areas. In June 2006, the GoB officially implemented the 16 million hectare BR-163 forest district which utilizes the Action Plan and will incorporate Brazil's new forest concessions law (Ref B). The district will receive investments for sustainable development and production of forest products. GoB has promised to invest US$30 million in infrastructure and public land mapping for the BR-163 forest district. Economic development will proceed through managed logging and controlled utilization of forest resources. Brazil's Minister of Environment Marina Silva was quoted as saying that "building this road means that environment and development are working together."
¶8. The creation of the BR-163 Sustainable Plan involves not only government officials, but also the agricultural sector, NGOs, local communities and business. If the actions in the plan are actually put into practice, little resistance from local community members is likely. On the other hand, the current lack of private sector partners interested in paving the road might hamstring the project. Yet, in June, President Lula reinforced his promise to begin constructing the road saying that by the end of this year the laws with all the conditions and requirements to begin the work will be ready.
¶9. Nevertheless, recent events highlight how tentative BR-163 plans still are. In May 2006, Brazil's Minister of National Integration, Pedro Brito do Nascimento, announced that the Government, together with the Army Engineering Forces, would begin paving the road this year through a Public and Private Sector Partnership (PPP). Prior to the announcement, the expectation was that paving would have started in the beginning of this year. As th project will rely on funding from the private sctor, many environmentalists do not believe that the road will actually be paved. Recent GoB estimates evaluate the total cost to pave BR-163 will be US$ 500 million and the project will take two to three years to conclude. The GoB once again promises that paving will now take place in the beginning of next year, sometime after the election.
¶10. Still other events underscore the problematic nature of the paving project. Just last week, approximately 200 Indians blocked the Santa Helena to Itaba part of the BR-163 for two days. Claiming that Indigenous demands were not included in the BR-163 Sustainable plan, the tribe was demanding additional protections of their lands during the paving period. As a result of the blockade, Par and Mato Grosso were isolated and faced shortages of supplies including fuels and food. The Caiaps Indian tribe leader, Megaron Txucarrmce claims that the development of cities (along BR163) is encroaching on Indigenous Lands. The trbe is against paving BR-163 unless Indigenous lad delimitation takes place before the paving begns.
¶11. Comment: The new sustainable economic/environment development model of the Amazon remains a controversial issue due to the enormous forest destruction that took place in the past and demands from rural and indigenous communities that still have to be considered. BR-163 could be the start of a successful development model, if its Sustainable Plan is actually implemented and the GoB has the necessary funding for its paving. Many, NGOs included, now see hope, as the GoB's efforts could provide a possible solution to the region's land speculation, deforestation and development difficulties. Paving BR-163 is definitely not the solution to all problems of the Amazon Region, but in case it works the beginning of a new phase for the sustainable management of the Forest could be starting. End Comment
BRASILIA 00001657 001.2 OF 002
REFTEL: (A) 05 BRASILIA 598,
(B) 05 BRASILIA 2426
¶1. Summary: BR-163 is an unpaved highway located in Brazil's Amazon Forest which leads from the city of Santarem, in the state of Para, to Cuiaba, Mato Grosso. While abandoned for the past three decades, it has once again become a government priority for the development of that area. The region is home to three large hydrographic basins, and is one of the most productive agricultural areas of the country, especially in terms of soybean production. However, the road provides a challenge for the GoB to demonstrate that it can sustainably develop the Amazon and mitigate the construction's potential environmental impacts. End Summary
¶2. The Santarem - Cuiaba road (BR-163) was initially built in 1973 and is approximately 1,756 km long, with roughly 956 km, as of yet, unpaved. If paved, BR-163 would create a more direct route to port for the region's agricultural products, reducing transportation distances by half and representing an estimated 20% decrease in transportation costs for Brazilian soybean producers. Brazil's agricultural boom and the subsequent producer pressure to decrease shipping costs have made paving BR-163 a strategic initiative in terms of both regional and national development. In addition to agribusiness, local politicians and entrepreneurs argue that the road would facilitate the transportation of electronic products from the industrial center in Manaus to markets in the South of the country.
¶3. Even though there are these economic advantages to building the road, there remains significant concern of social and environmental damages associated with its construction. The first time BR-163 was built there was very little planning, which resulted in deforestation, unorganized migration and social conflicts that lead to a considerable increase in violent crime including homicides in the region. This time around, rural communities are demanding government planning in order to minimize impacts from land speculation, predatory exploitation, social violence and environmental degradation. Initial pronouncements surrounding the road's paving caused the area's population to increase by 6% between 1996 and 2000 and recent announcements about the road's future led to a 500% increase in deforestation in the towns along the BR-163. Studies show that road construction and the resulting population surplus generate land problems and, many times, uncontrolled exploitation of natural resources.
¶4. Related to development, land titling and speculation have been historical woes in the Amazon Basin. The process of land occupation in the region started in the 1940s. Mining, cattle ranching and logging were considered the ideal occupational activities for a location that was considered a "demographic blank" that needed to be developed and occupied. Most land occupation was done illegally, without any government control and often within Indigenous Territories. This problem has become so serious that social conflicts and human deaths have been part of the issue and continue to occur, as evidenced by the death of Dorothy Stang last year (Ref A). Unclear land tenure in the region also played and continues to play a central role in the present rate of deforestation. The lack of monitoring and government enforcement, the cheap price of land and high economic return, along with the expansion of soybean production and cattle grazing are all considered obstacles to sustainable development.
¶5. While paving BR-163 has become one of the Lula Administration's priorities, the GoB is attempting to avoid many of the mistakes previously made. With USAID support, local grassroots movements, NGOs and civil society organizations conducted, in 2003, a series of participatory workshops designed to discuss regional development options for the BR-163 region. This was part of the impetus behind the "Santarem Letter" which the BR-163 NGO network presented to the GoB in March 2004. The Letter outlined the actions that the GoB needed to implement in order for the paving to take place in a sustainable manner. After receiving the letter, the GoB convened a technical working group responsible for elaborating a document that establishes the actions and planning necessary for the construction of the highway.
¶6. In paving BR-163, the government's goal is to show that it is possible to develop the Amazon region sustainably. To this end, they have created two new policies. The first is known as the BR-163 Sustainable Plan and involved the work of 17 Brazilian ministries. The plan's initial actions include putting into practice some emergency procedures to intensify the State's presence and public authority in the region. Some of these procedures include supplementary forest inspections and raising the number of personnel in the area. Additional measures are being implemented to ensure public safety, land organization and environmental monitoring, to name a few. Compensational actions for environmental BRASILIA 00001657 002.2 OF 002 hazards and integrated policies, amongst all the states involved, for regional development are also found in the pan. The plan covers seventy one cities: 28 of tem are in the state of Para, 37 in Mato Grosso and 6 in Amazonas covering a total area of 1,23 milion square kilometers. This area corresponds to 2.6% of the total Legal Amazon Region and 14.47% f the nation's territory. Little of the Plan has in fact, been put into practice, due to continued discussions concerning environmental impacts and otential complications. Many communities and NGs fear that the plan looks good on paper, but ma never be implemented.
¶7. Complementing the BR163 Sustainable Plan is the Action Plan for Prevention and Control of Deforestation in the Legal Amaon, which promotes a new development model for te Amazon region based on social inclusion, cultural diversity and economic development. Sustainable use of natural resources will be encouraged through financial incentives, the implementation of environmentally sustainable structure and the recovery of degraded forest areas. In June 2006, the GoB officially implemented the 16 million hectare BR-163 forest district which utilizes the Action Plan and will incorporate Brazil's new forest concessions law (Ref B). The district will receive investments for sustainable development and production of forest products. GoB has promised to invest US$30 million in infrastructure and public land mapping for the BR-163 forest district. Economic development will proceed through managed logging and controlled utilization of forest resources. Brazil's Minister of Environment Marina Silva was quoted as saying that "building this road means that environment and development are working together."
¶8. The creation of the BR-163 Sustainable Plan involves not only government officials, but also the agricultural sector, NGOs, local communities and business. If the actions in the plan are actually put into practice, little resistance from local community members is likely. On the other hand, the current lack of private sector partners interested in paving the road might hamstring the project. Yet, in June, President Lula reinforced his promise to begin constructing the road saying that by the end of this year the laws with all the conditions and requirements to begin the work will be ready.
¶9. Nevertheless, recent events highlight how tentative BR-163 plans still are. In May 2006, Brazil's Minister of National Integration, Pedro Brito do Nascimento, announced that the Government, together with the Army Engineering Forces, would begin paving the road this year through a Public and Private Sector Partnership (PPP). Prior to the announcement, the expectation was that paving would have started in the beginning of this year. As th project will rely on funding from the private sctor, many environmentalists do not believe that the road will actually be paved. Recent GoB estimates evaluate the total cost to pave BR-163 will be US$ 500 million and the project will take two to three years to conclude. The GoB once again promises that paving will now take place in the beginning of next year, sometime after the election.
¶10. Still other events underscore the problematic nature of the paving project. Just last week, approximately 200 Indians blocked the Santa Helena to Itaba part of the BR-163 for two days. Claiming that Indigenous demands were not included in the BR-163 Sustainable plan, the tribe was demanding additional protections of their lands during the paving period. As a result of the blockade, Par and Mato Grosso were isolated and faced shortages of supplies including fuels and food. The Caiaps Indian tribe leader, Megaron Txucarrmce claims that the development of cities (along BR163) is encroaching on Indigenous Lands. The trbe is against paving BR-163 unless Indigenous lad delimitation takes place before the paving begns.
¶11. Comment: The new sustainable economic/environment development model of the Amazon remains a controversial issue due to the enormous forest destruction that took place in the past and demands from rural and indigenous communities that still have to be considered. BR-163 could be the start of a successful development model, if its Sustainable Plan is actually implemented and the GoB has the necessary funding for its paving. Many, NGOs included, now see hope, as the GoB's efforts could provide a possible solution to the region's land speculation, deforestation and development difficulties. Paving BR-163 is definitely not the solution to all problems of the Amazon Region, but in case it works the beginning of a new phase for the sustainable management of the Forest could be starting. End Comment
"CLIMATE CHANGE MAKES THE EU RELEVANT TO ITS CITIZENS"
SUBJECT: "CLIMATE CHANGE MAKES THE EU RELEVANT TO ITS
CITIZENS" - RESULTS FROM CLIMATE CHANGE SEMINAR
¶1. (SBU) Summary: On March 22 Econoff participated in the
"Putting A Cost On Carbon ) Where to Post 2012?" Climate
Change Seminar at the British Embassy in Helsinki. Though
seminar participants often cited the U.S. as dragging its
feet on climate change issues a-la-Kyoto, they also
positively noted U.S. progress on climate change-mitigating
measures including action at the state level and bills that
the U.S. Congress is reviewing. The EU,s focus, and
perceived leadership, on climate change may make it more
relevant to average EU citizens. End Summary.
¶2. (SBU) Sponsored by the British Embassy, the Seminar
included presentations from Finnish and British government
officials, EU Commission representatives, as well as think
tank and private industry stakeholders. Several participants
stressed that engaging the U.S. and China on climate change
issues comes down to the international community emphasizing
the strong connection between security of energy supply and
climate change. GOF and UK government officials continued to
hold up Kyoto, and a binding post-2012 global emissions
trading scheme, as the solution to reversing greenhouse gas
emissions. Kate Hampton, Service and Policy Manager at
London-based Climate Change Capital said EU courage in
addressing climate change is causing the U.S., particularly
at the state level, to modify its climate change policies.
She continued by suggesting that the EU,s focus on climate
change makes it more relevant to average EU citizens and that
EU leadership on climate change issues is a source of pride
for Europeans.
¶3. (SBU) Participants made positive comments about several
climate change-mitigating bills under consideration by the
110th Congress. The State of California was highlighted as a
strong regional model for the U.S. and EU alike.
¶4. (SBU) Providing the GOF view of the EU's 20 percent
renewable energy goal, Taisto Turunen, Director General from
the Ministry of Trade and Industry, said Finland sees itself
as a "special case deserving special treatment" and hence a
lower target when the EU sets its individual country
renewable targets. Turunen believes a lower target is
supported by Finland,s northern geography, its relatively
high use of renewable energy sources already, and its limited
ability to drastically increase production from other
renewable energy sources such as hydropower. Renewables
already account for over 25 percent of Finland,s energy
needs.
¶5. (SBU) Ian Kerns, Deputy Director of the Institute of
Public Policy Research in London, highlighted the holes in
the EU,s Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) including weak
quotas and the EU's lack of a clear framework for
enforcement. He suggested that a change of individual
behavior and habits is ultimately needed for lasting
reductions of emissions to take place. Kerns concluded by
saying that &pop-culture8 attention will likely have a
stronger ability to change behavior than politicians and
trading schemes.
¶6. (SBU) Though the overall tone of the meeting was quite
positive, participants frequently lapsed into blaming the
U.S. for issues related to climate change. This was
characterized by one participant who vaguely blamed the U.S.
for inefficiencies within the EU,s own Emissions Trading
Scheme. Econoff took this as an opportunity to correct the
record and to publicly defend U.S. leadership on climate
change and energy issues, citing several international
organizations the U.S. participates in including the Asia
Pacific Partnership and the Methane to Markets.
Unfortunately, the U.S. continues to be viewed as an easy
target on climate change issues.
WARE
CITIZENS" - RESULTS FROM CLIMATE CHANGE SEMINAR
¶1. (SBU) Summary: On March 22 Econoff participated in the
"Putting A Cost On Carbon ) Where to Post 2012?" Climate
Change Seminar at the British Embassy in Helsinki. Though
seminar participants often cited the U.S. as dragging its
feet on climate change issues a-la-Kyoto, they also
positively noted U.S. progress on climate change-mitigating
measures including action at the state level and bills that
the U.S. Congress is reviewing. The EU,s focus, and
perceived leadership, on climate change may make it more
relevant to average EU citizens. End Summary.
¶2. (SBU) Sponsored by the British Embassy, the Seminar
included presentations from Finnish and British government
officials, EU Commission representatives, as well as think
tank and private industry stakeholders. Several participants
stressed that engaging the U.S. and China on climate change
issues comes down to the international community emphasizing
the strong connection between security of energy supply and
climate change. GOF and UK government officials continued to
hold up Kyoto, and a binding post-2012 global emissions
trading scheme, as the solution to reversing greenhouse gas
emissions. Kate Hampton, Service and Policy Manager at
London-based Climate Change Capital said EU courage in
addressing climate change is causing the U.S., particularly
at the state level, to modify its climate change policies.
She continued by suggesting that the EU,s focus on climate
change makes it more relevant to average EU citizens and that
EU leadership on climate change issues is a source of pride
for Europeans.
¶3. (SBU) Participants made positive comments about several
climate change-mitigating bills under consideration by the
110th Congress. The State of California was highlighted as a
strong regional model for the U.S. and EU alike.
¶4. (SBU) Providing the GOF view of the EU's 20 percent
renewable energy goal, Taisto Turunen, Director General from
the Ministry of Trade and Industry, said Finland sees itself
as a "special case deserving special treatment" and hence a
lower target when the EU sets its individual country
renewable targets. Turunen believes a lower target is
supported by Finland,s northern geography, its relatively
high use of renewable energy sources already, and its limited
ability to drastically increase production from other
renewable energy sources such as hydropower. Renewables
already account for over 25 percent of Finland,s energy
needs.
¶5. (SBU) Ian Kerns, Deputy Director of the Institute of
Public Policy Research in London, highlighted the holes in
the EU,s Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) including weak
quotas and the EU's lack of a clear framework for
enforcement. He suggested that a change of individual
behavior and habits is ultimately needed for lasting
reductions of emissions to take place. Kerns concluded by
saying that &pop-culture8 attention will likely have a
stronger ability to change behavior than politicians and
trading schemes.
¶6. (SBU) Though the overall tone of the meeting was quite
positive, participants frequently lapsed into blaming the
U.S. for issues related to climate change. This was
characterized by one participant who vaguely blamed the U.S.
for inefficiencies within the EU,s own Emissions Trading
Scheme. Econoff took this as an opportunity to correct the
record and to publicly defend U.S. leadership on climate
change and energy issues, citing several international
organizations the U.S. participates in including the Asia
Pacific Partnership and the Methane to Markets.
Unfortunately, the U.S. continues to be viewed as an easy
target on climate change issues.
WARE
LAND DISPUTES AND VIOLENCE
SUBJECT: BRAZIL'S INDIANS - PART III: LAND DISPUTES AND
VIOLENCE
REF: A. BRASILIA 0941
¶B. BRASILIA 0946
¶C. BRASILIA 0985
¶1. (U) This is Part III of a three-part series about Indians in Brazil. This cable discusses current land disputes. Part I (ref B) provided an overview and Part II (ref C) discussed concerns of indigenous leaders.
¶2. (U) Summary. The government of Brazil is facing unhappiness among indigenous communities who are demanding that the land demarcation process be sped up. The Indians' land claims are often in conflict with farmers' interests and, in some cases, the GOB would have to expropriate land to which farmers have title. In the northern state of Roraima, the governor has opposed the creation of large reservation that would displace rice farmers. The governor, who briefly joined President Lula's Workers' Party (PT) last year, has urged Lula to reject the Indian affairs agency (FUNAI) proposal and called instead for the creation of an "archipelago" of reservations that would permit farmers to have continued access to land they currently cultivate. Indian leaders and activist argue that the "archipelago" reservation would condemn the Indians to poverty and leave them vulnerable to invasions by prospectors, hunters, and farmers. In Mato Grosso do Sul state several indigenous communities have adopted the Landless Movement's (MST) occupation tactics in an effort to force the GOB to cede land to them. End summary.
Governor Fights Contiguous Indian Reservation ---------------------------------------------
¶3. (U) One of the most controversial indigenous land disputes in Brazil is in the northern state of Roraima, where state political leaders, 67 non-Indian farmers, a handful of Indians, and some military officers have opposed the demarcation of a 1,750,000 hectare (eight percent of the state's total land area) reservation for 14,000 Indians along the border with Venezuela and Guyana. Rice planters, whose production accounts for 10 percent of the state's economy, oppose the creation of the "Raposa Serra do Sol" reservation in a contiguous configuration, because that would require them to vacate much of the farmland they currently have under cultivation.
¶4. (U) The farmers, Roraima Governor Flamarion Portela, and the state's federal Senators are instead proposing to break the reservation up into "islands" to allow for expanded state-directed economic development. Portela has complained bitterly about governing a "virtual state," because the GoB --either through FUNAI or the environmental protection agency IBAMA-- controls more than half of the state's land. In March 2003, Portela switched to Lula's Workers' Party (PT) allegedly after getting a GoB commitment to the archipelago configuration. In December, Portela was asked to leave the PT to defend himself against charges of massive corruption. He is now "without party".
¶5. (U) In 1999, opponents of the contiguous reservation plan sued to stop the demarcation process. In March 2004, a federal judge in Roraima ruled in their favor and placed an injunction against the creation of the reservation. The ruling does not, however, prevent the immediate registration of the reservation as a whole. The Solicitor General, the Ministry of Justice, FUNAI, and a federal prosecutor in Roraima have all announced they will appeal the decision.
Defense Minister Questions Reservations Along the Border --------------------------------------------- -----------
¶6. (U) Defense Minister Viegas has his own reasons to oppose the reservation. He argues that the federal government needs access to the international border, which he believes would be threatened by the creation of the Roraima reservation. In congressional testimony on March 4, Viegas warned against an "overly broad interpretation of indigenous land, above all in the border regions," which "could pave the way for future demands for the establishment of 'indigenous nations' with a legal structure different" from the rest of Brazil. He concluded, "I adamantly oppose this concept". Viegas said the armed forces need to "revitalize" their presence on the northern border, which "is not adequately occupied, demographically or productively" because of Indian reservations and nature preserves and that this "reduces the State's own capacity" to fight transnational and environmental crimes. He also argued that the reservations and environmental preserves make it difficult to build infrastructure projects that would permit greater development.
Justice Minister and FUNAI Chief Defend Reservation --------------------------------------------- -----
¶7. (U) On March 3, Minister of Justice Marcio Thomaz Bastos guaranteed in a Senate hearing that the contiguous demarcation of the Raposa Serra do Sol reservation would be finalized. At the same hearing, responding to critical comments from Senators from Roraima, Amazonas, and Mato Grosso do Sul states, FUNAI President Mercio Pereira was dismissive of arguments that the various Indian groups might fight among themselves if placed on one large reservation, rather than several smaller ones. He cited an example where twelve different languages are spoken in one reservation, saying the reservation in that contiguous form, "only brought benefits."
NGOs call National Security A "False Controversy" --------------------------------------------- ----
¶8. (SBU) According to Andre Lima, head of the Brazilian NGO "Instituto Socio-Ambiental", which advocates for environmental and Indian rights, "It is a false controversy." He notes that the rice farmers arrived after the land had already been demarcated by FUNAI. (In 1970 only 41,000 non-Indians lived in the state. Today, largely as a result of government incentives, the population has grown to 360,000.) Therefore, the farmers cannot be considered to have entered the land in "good faith" and have no constitutional rights to it. Indian interlocutors accuse the state government of establishing a small town and several small villages in the middle of the reservation and providing government jobs to some Indians to prevent the federal government from registering the territory.
¶9. (SBU) With respect to DefMin Viegas' national security argument, Lima noted that the Constitution guarantees the federal government access to Indian lands. Indeed, former President Cardoso issued an executive decree in 2002 spelling out the right of the military and police to access Indian lands. In fact, a number of army units are based on Indian reservations today. Moreover, there already exist large demarcated indigenous territories along the border with Peru, where the "military access" argument has never been a concern. According to Antonio da Silva Apurina, Director of Assistance Programs for FUNAI, the real obstacles to demarcating the Roraima reservation are "economic and political interests."
Mato Grosso do Sul Land Occupations ------------------------------------
¶10. (U) In late 2003 and early 2004, approximately 4,000 Caiovas-Guarani Indians occupied several farms in the southern state of Mato Grosso do Sul for months, arguing that the land historically belongs to them. They ultimately complied with a judicial order to vacate the land. During the tense stand-off, a farmer, his wife, and their daughter-in-law were briefly taken hostage by the Indians, and one Indian was wounded by gunfire.
¶11. (SBU) The Indian land occupations in Mato Grosso do Sul are more complicated than the Roraima situation, according to Lima. The farmers have been on the land for several generations and have land titles issued by the state (in many cases improperly) and so many could be considered to have occupied the land "in good faith", meaning they are entitled to compensation for improvements made to the land. The government does not have the resources to compensate them and is therefore unable to evict them.
¶12. (SBU) The Mato Grosso do Sul occupations were the result of Indian impatience with the official process and an attempt to borrow the tactics of the Landless Movement (MST). Guarani tribal leaders say they are facing a suicide epidemic because they have been forced to live on small reservations that prevent them from following traditional customs or economic development. FUNAI President Pereira told Poloff that he is sympathetic to the Indians, but acknowledged that it will be impossible to turn back the clock and give them a significant portion of their lands back. The region's booming soy economy makes such an outcome all but impossible, he said.
Indians and Farmers Use Violence in Land Disputes --------------------------------------------- ----
¶13. (U) While the Roraima and Mato Grosso do Sul cases are on the front pages, they are not the only cases of Indian disputes in Brazil:
- On January 12, thirty Pankararu Indians invaded the FUNAI headquarters in Recife in the northeast to protest the dismissal of an agency director. Three Indians were arrested.
- In January, more than 100 Guajajara Indians blocked a highway in Maranhao in the northeast to protest what they see as encroachment on their land. State military police were called in to break up the demonstration.
- On February 16, a farmer was shot and killed and six others taken hostage by a group of 200 Caingangues Indians in the southern state of Santa Catarina, as a result of tension over land distribution. The Indians are demanding that their reservation be expanded. FUNAI supports their demand, but the Indians are impatient with delays.
- On February 24, prospectors in Roraima shot and killed an Indian who worked for FUNAI and was investigating illegal invasions of Yanomami Indian land in the northeast part of the state. An investigation is ongoing. -- On April 7, twenty-nine illegal diamond prospectors were massacred on an Indian reservation in Rondonia state (ref A).
Comment -------
¶14. (SBU) President Lula faces a growing Indian affairs policy dilemma. Despite several cabinet meetings addressing the Roraima reservation issue, he has put off a decision at least until late April. As in other policy spheres, he faces severely conflicting pressures. While agribusiness and political allies want to reduce the size of some reservations proposed by FUNAI, Indian leaders and activists want faster action to finish the demarcation process. The Rondonia massacre and Roraima demarcation may now force him to show his hand and take a firm stand. End Comment.
VIOLENCE
REF: A. BRASILIA 0941
¶B. BRASILIA 0946
¶C. BRASILIA 0985
¶1. (U) This is Part III of a three-part series about Indians in Brazil. This cable discusses current land disputes. Part I (ref B) provided an overview and Part II (ref C) discussed concerns of indigenous leaders.
¶2. (U) Summary. The government of Brazil is facing unhappiness among indigenous communities who are demanding that the land demarcation process be sped up. The Indians' land claims are often in conflict with farmers' interests and, in some cases, the GOB would have to expropriate land to which farmers have title. In the northern state of Roraima, the governor has opposed the creation of large reservation that would displace rice farmers. The governor, who briefly joined President Lula's Workers' Party (PT) last year, has urged Lula to reject the Indian affairs agency (FUNAI) proposal and called instead for the creation of an "archipelago" of reservations that would permit farmers to have continued access to land they currently cultivate. Indian leaders and activist argue that the "archipelago" reservation would condemn the Indians to poverty and leave them vulnerable to invasions by prospectors, hunters, and farmers. In Mato Grosso do Sul state several indigenous communities have adopted the Landless Movement's (MST) occupation tactics in an effort to force the GOB to cede land to them. End summary.
Governor Fights Contiguous Indian Reservation ---------------------------------------------
¶3. (U) One of the most controversial indigenous land disputes in Brazil is in the northern state of Roraima, where state political leaders, 67 non-Indian farmers, a handful of Indians, and some military officers have opposed the demarcation of a 1,750,000 hectare (eight percent of the state's total land area) reservation for 14,000 Indians along the border with Venezuela and Guyana. Rice planters, whose production accounts for 10 percent of the state's economy, oppose the creation of the "Raposa Serra do Sol" reservation in a contiguous configuration, because that would require them to vacate much of the farmland they currently have under cultivation.
¶4. (U) The farmers, Roraima Governor Flamarion Portela, and the state's federal Senators are instead proposing to break the reservation up into "islands" to allow for expanded state-directed economic development. Portela has complained bitterly about governing a "virtual state," because the GoB --either through FUNAI or the environmental protection agency IBAMA-- controls more than half of the state's land. In March 2003, Portela switched to Lula's Workers' Party (PT) allegedly after getting a GoB commitment to the archipelago configuration. In December, Portela was asked to leave the PT to defend himself against charges of massive corruption. He is now "without party".
¶5. (U) In 1999, opponents of the contiguous reservation plan sued to stop the demarcation process. In March 2004, a federal judge in Roraima ruled in their favor and placed an injunction against the creation of the reservation. The ruling does not, however, prevent the immediate registration of the reservation as a whole. The Solicitor General, the Ministry of Justice, FUNAI, and a federal prosecutor in Roraima have all announced they will appeal the decision.
Defense Minister Questions Reservations Along the Border --------------------------------------------- -----------
¶6. (U) Defense Minister Viegas has his own reasons to oppose the reservation. He argues that the federal government needs access to the international border, which he believes would be threatened by the creation of the Roraima reservation. In congressional testimony on March 4, Viegas warned against an "overly broad interpretation of indigenous land, above all in the border regions," which "could pave the way for future demands for the establishment of 'indigenous nations' with a legal structure different" from the rest of Brazil. He concluded, "I adamantly oppose this concept". Viegas said the armed forces need to "revitalize" their presence on the northern border, which "is not adequately occupied, demographically or productively" because of Indian reservations and nature preserves and that this "reduces the State's own capacity" to fight transnational and environmental crimes. He also argued that the reservations and environmental preserves make it difficult to build infrastructure projects that would permit greater development.
Justice Minister and FUNAI Chief Defend Reservation --------------------------------------------- -----
¶7. (U) On March 3, Minister of Justice Marcio Thomaz Bastos guaranteed in a Senate hearing that the contiguous demarcation of the Raposa Serra do Sol reservation would be finalized. At the same hearing, responding to critical comments from Senators from Roraima, Amazonas, and Mato Grosso do Sul states, FUNAI President Mercio Pereira was dismissive of arguments that the various Indian groups might fight among themselves if placed on one large reservation, rather than several smaller ones. He cited an example where twelve different languages are spoken in one reservation, saying the reservation in that contiguous form, "only brought benefits."
NGOs call National Security A "False Controversy" --------------------------------------------- ----
¶8. (SBU) According to Andre Lima, head of the Brazilian NGO "Instituto Socio-Ambiental", which advocates for environmental and Indian rights, "It is a false controversy." He notes that the rice farmers arrived after the land had already been demarcated by FUNAI. (In 1970 only 41,000 non-Indians lived in the state. Today, largely as a result of government incentives, the population has grown to 360,000.) Therefore, the farmers cannot be considered to have entered the land in "good faith" and have no constitutional rights to it. Indian interlocutors accuse the state government of establishing a small town and several small villages in the middle of the reservation and providing government jobs to some Indians to prevent the federal government from registering the territory.
¶9. (SBU) With respect to DefMin Viegas' national security argument, Lima noted that the Constitution guarantees the federal government access to Indian lands. Indeed, former President Cardoso issued an executive decree in 2002 spelling out the right of the military and police to access Indian lands. In fact, a number of army units are based on Indian reservations today. Moreover, there already exist large demarcated indigenous territories along the border with Peru, where the "military access" argument has never been a concern. According to Antonio da Silva Apurina, Director of Assistance Programs for FUNAI, the real obstacles to demarcating the Roraima reservation are "economic and political interests."
Mato Grosso do Sul Land Occupations ------------------------------------
¶10. (U) In late 2003 and early 2004, approximately 4,000 Caiovas-Guarani Indians occupied several farms in the southern state of Mato Grosso do Sul for months, arguing that the land historically belongs to them. They ultimately complied with a judicial order to vacate the land. During the tense stand-off, a farmer, his wife, and their daughter-in-law were briefly taken hostage by the Indians, and one Indian was wounded by gunfire.
¶11. (SBU) The Indian land occupations in Mato Grosso do Sul are more complicated than the Roraima situation, according to Lima. The farmers have been on the land for several generations and have land titles issued by the state (in many cases improperly) and so many could be considered to have occupied the land "in good faith", meaning they are entitled to compensation for improvements made to the land. The government does not have the resources to compensate them and is therefore unable to evict them.
¶12. (SBU) The Mato Grosso do Sul occupations were the result of Indian impatience with the official process and an attempt to borrow the tactics of the Landless Movement (MST). Guarani tribal leaders say they are facing a suicide epidemic because they have been forced to live on small reservations that prevent them from following traditional customs or economic development. FUNAI President Pereira told Poloff that he is sympathetic to the Indians, but acknowledged that it will be impossible to turn back the clock and give them a significant portion of their lands back. The region's booming soy economy makes such an outcome all but impossible, he said.
Indians and Farmers Use Violence in Land Disputes --------------------------------------------- ----
¶13. (U) While the Roraima and Mato Grosso do Sul cases are on the front pages, they are not the only cases of Indian disputes in Brazil:
- On January 12, thirty Pankararu Indians invaded the FUNAI headquarters in Recife in the northeast to protest the dismissal of an agency director. Three Indians were arrested.
- In January, more than 100 Guajajara Indians blocked a highway in Maranhao in the northeast to protest what they see as encroachment on their land. State military police were called in to break up the demonstration.
- On February 16, a farmer was shot and killed and six others taken hostage by a group of 200 Caingangues Indians in the southern state of Santa Catarina, as a result of tension over land distribution. The Indians are demanding that their reservation be expanded. FUNAI supports their demand, but the Indians are impatient with delays.
- On February 24, prospectors in Roraima shot and killed an Indian who worked for FUNAI and was investigating illegal invasions of Yanomami Indian land in the northeast part of the state. An investigation is ongoing. -- On April 7, twenty-nine illegal diamond prospectors were massacred on an Indian reservation in Rondonia state (ref A).
Comment -------
¶14. (SBU) President Lula faces a growing Indian affairs policy dilemma. Despite several cabinet meetings addressing the Roraima reservation issue, he has put off a decision at least until late April. As in other policy spheres, he faces severely conflicting pressures. While agribusiness and political allies want to reduce the size of some reservations proposed by FUNAI, Indian leaders and activists want faster action to finish the demarcation process. The Rondonia massacre and Roraima demarcation may now force him to show his hand and take a firm stand. End Comment.
RACE RELATIONS IN BRAZIL
SUBJECT: RACE RELATIONS IN BRAZIL: THE AFFIRMATIVE ACTION DEBATE
REF: SAO PAULO 00789
SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED.
SUMMARY -------
¶1. (U) Affirmative action measures aimed at improving the socioeconomic situation of Afro-Brazilians are fundamental to the "Movimento Negro," or Black Movement. Though affirmative action remains controversial, even among Afro- Brazilians, the controversy itself is drawing public attention to the issue of social inequality in an unprecedented way. Advocacy efforts of the Black Movement have generally focused on the periphery of society, and thus have remained out of the public eye, but the affirmative action debate is a mainstream concern. Whether or not advocates overcome numerous challenges to create viable affirmative action programs, the increasing visibility of race issues has contributed to higher levels of Afro- Brazilian political participation and to new legislative efforts designed to benefit Afro-Brazilians. By mobilizing the large Afro-Brazilian population in support of specific political issues, affirmative action could bring about changes in Brazil's broader political scene.
This is the sec7QQQsUUS QUO ------------------------
¶2. (U) As explained reftel, self-declared "black" and "brown" Brazilians (a rough measure of self-identified Afro- Brazilians) comprise 46 percent of the population, but have lower incomes and higher rates of illiteracy than other segments of society, and are underrepresented at all levels of business, academia, media, and government. Anecdotal evidence also indicates that Afro-Brazilians are not easily accepted in the upper echelons of society. Maria Aparecida de Laia, the Sao Paulo State Secretary of Culture's Advisor for Gender, Race and Ethnicity, told us that professional contacts who do not know her tend to ignore her and to address her white subordinates when they meet her for the first time. Laia explains such occurrences by saying that Afro-Brazilians are "aliens" within the circles of the white- dominated political and socioeconomic elite.
¶3. (U) Change is occurring in small increments. Before soccer hero Pele's appointment as the Sports Minister in 1995, no Afro-Brazilian had ever served as a minister in the federal GOB. In 2003, President Lula appointed 4 Afro- Brazilians to his Cabinet, including Matilde Ribeiro as the head of the newly created Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality. At the Afro-Brazilian/African-American Business Summit in April, Judith Morrison of the Inter- American Foundation said that there are 632 black-owned businesses in Sao Paulo, and more than 7 million Afro- Brazilians in the middle class nation-wide. "Raca" ("Race") magazine, the first publication aimed specifically at an Afro-Brazilian audience, achieved immediate and unexpected success when it was launched in 1996, providing an indication of the untapped potential of Afro-Brazilian buying power and the growing interest in products tailor- made for Afro-Brazilians.
¶4. (U) Despite these indicators of progress, many Black Movement activists contend that the current pace of change is much too slow. Laia told us that the time is ripe for Afro-Brazilians to "take a leap forward" through affirmative action programs designed to expand Afro-Brazilian presence in educational institutions and in the senior ranks of government and business. She contends that integrating Afro- Brazilians into the economic and political mainstream will reduce prejudice. Many of our contacts expressed the view that Afro-Brazilians would not improve their socioeconomic status without a stronger presence in government. Sao Paulo City Councilwoman Claudete Alves argues that Afro-Brazilians must be involved in the development of public policy because it is "impossible to understand" Brazilian racism without seeing Brazil "from a black perspective." Jose Vicente, president of the Afro-Brazilian advocacy group AFROBRAS, told us that he believes that affirmative action measures can help to show Afro-Brazilians that "there is hope." He contends that offering black youth educational and employment opportunities, as well as positive role models, will have a positive impact that "will be felt throughout Brazil."
¶5. (U) The debate to date has revolved almost exclusively around the racial quotas recently introduced in several public universities (see septel on race and education policy). Opponents of affirmative action believe that race- based programs are misguided, because they view discrimination as a matter of social class rather than skin color. They argue that college entrance exams are color- blind, and that the low Afro-Brazilian participation in the upper echelons of society is not the result of racism. Some point out that Brazil's traditional system of racial self- identification is inadequate for the proposed quota systems, since it provides no objective basis for determining which candidates are eligible for programs, but worry that officially delineating the Afro-Brazilian community through the use of objective physical criteria would only increase racial divisions within society. Despite the objections, a public opinion poll conducted by the Sensus Institute in May, 2004, found that 61.1 percent of respondents support quotas for Afro-Brazilians in public universities.
PUBLIC SECTOR GETTING STARTED ------------------------------
¶6. (U) Afro-Brazilians are far from achieving equal representation in the public sector, but some progress has been made in the last decade. According to Claudete Alves, the only Afro-Brazilian woman on the Sao Paulo City Council, the mere fact that the government is acknowledging the existence of racism is a step in the right direction. Economic and social inclusion of Afro-Brazilians has become a political concern for the GOB. In addition to appointing Afro-Brazilians to the cabinet and creating a special cabinet post for race-related issues, President Lula has reached out to the Afro-Brazilian community with such visible gestures as visiting a traditional Afro-Brazilian community (quilombo). The Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty) has introduced a new program to assist Afro-Brazilians and other underprivileged groups to prepare for the rigorous entrance exam for the diplomatic service.
¶7. (U) Quota systems have been introduced in some municipalities in Sao Paulo state. Both state- and national- level institutions are exploring the possibilities for new affirmative action programs, some of which would go beyond quotas. The draft Statute of Racial Equality, sent to Brazilian Congress in April, would introduce quotas for federal workers, and offer incentives for private companies with government contracts to implement affirmative action programs. Other proposals include diversity training for police, who are often accused of racial profiling and of using unnecessary force against Afro-Brazilian suspects.
PRIVATE SECTOR SLOW TO TAKE ACTION -----------------------------------
¶8. (U) Anecdotal evidence indicates that discrimination in hiring practices is widespread, but not openly acknowledged or endorsed. Afro-Brazilian contacts tell us that a job announcement that requires a "nice appearance" is understood to mean that "blacks need not apply." Recent studies in Sao Paulo shopping malls by the researchers of the Inter- American Union Institute for Racial Equality (INSPIR) estimated that only 2 percent of the employees were "black," while another 13 percent were "brown" (mixed). Neide Aparecida Fonseca, president of INSPIR, concluded that there is "color and race-related prejudice" in hiring practices for "positions that are visible or require interaction with the public." However, studies of discrimination in employment are rare. Some activists conjecture that companies choose not to track their employees' racial identity, because they do not want to be pressured to introduce affirmative action measures. Recently, the Colombo clothing company introduced a twenty percent quota for Afro-Brazilians, but it is the only major company to have done so.
¶9. (U) Leaders of the Black Movement would like to see a push for affirmative action measures in the private sector. They assert that even multinational corporations that have affirmative action programs elsewhere have not instituted them in Brazil. At the Afro-Brazilian/African-American Business Summit in April, Dr. Sueli Carneiro, President of Geledes Institute for Black Women, criticized international companies operating in Brazil for "conforming to Brazilian racism," rather implementing affirmative action and nondiscrimination policies similar to those they use outside of Brazil.
LESSONS LEARNED FROM U.S. EXPERIENCE? -------------------------------------
¶10. (U) The affirmative action debate is seldom raised without reference to the U.S. experience. At the Afro- Brazilian/African-American Business Summit, Brazilian and U.S. participants were quick to point out that Brazil's present situation is comparable to that of the U.S. twenty or thirty years ago. Afro-Brazilian activists tend to view the current U.S. situation in a very positive light. From the Afro-Brazilian perspective, African-Americans have achieved considerable social, economic and political empowerment. Humberto Adami, president of the Institute of Racial and Environmental Advocacy, complained that most Brazilians do not hesitate to "import the American way of life...as seen on Fox Television," but "complain about copying the U.S." when it comes to affirmative action.
COMMENT --------
¶11. (SBU) Affirmative action is a relatively new and very controversial idea in Brazil. So far, affirmative action has not progressed beyond simple quota systems and attempts to increase recruitment of Afro-Brazilians to government positions and in a few public universities. While Brazilian authorities have yet to determine how far to carry such programs, affirmative action is the issue that has most sparked the interest of the general public, generated public debate, and drawn attention to the Black Movement in Brazil. Only time will tell whether the ambitions of the Black Movement on this and other issues will come to fruition, but the incipient mobilization of the Afro-Brazilian community that it represents could lead to wider changes over time in Brazilian politics. End comment.
¶12. (U) This message was coordinated with Embassy Brasilia and Consulate General Rio de Janeiro.
REF: SAO PAULO 00789
SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED.
SUMMARY -------
¶1. (U) Affirmative action measures aimed at improving the socioeconomic situation of Afro-Brazilians are fundamental to the "Movimento Negro," or Black Movement. Though affirmative action remains controversial, even among Afro- Brazilians, the controversy itself is drawing public attention to the issue of social inequality in an unprecedented way. Advocacy efforts of the Black Movement have generally focused on the periphery of society, and thus have remained out of the public eye, but the affirmative action debate is a mainstream concern. Whether or not advocates overcome numerous challenges to create viable affirmative action programs, the increasing visibility of race issues has contributed to higher levels of Afro- Brazilian political participation and to new legislative efforts designed to benefit Afro-Brazilians. By mobilizing the large Afro-Brazilian population in support of specific political issues, affirmative action could bring about changes in Brazil's broader political scene.
This is the sec7QQQsUUS QUO ------------------------
¶2. (U) As explained reftel, self-declared "black" and "brown" Brazilians (a rough measure of self-identified Afro- Brazilians) comprise 46 percent of the population, but have lower incomes and higher rates of illiteracy than other segments of society, and are underrepresented at all levels of business, academia, media, and government. Anecdotal evidence also indicates that Afro-Brazilians are not easily accepted in the upper echelons of society. Maria Aparecida de Laia, the Sao Paulo State Secretary of Culture's Advisor for Gender, Race and Ethnicity, told us that professional contacts who do not know her tend to ignore her and to address her white subordinates when they meet her for the first time. Laia explains such occurrences by saying that Afro-Brazilians are "aliens" within the circles of the white- dominated political and socioeconomic elite.
¶3. (U) Change is occurring in small increments. Before soccer hero Pele's appointment as the Sports Minister in 1995, no Afro-Brazilian had ever served as a minister in the federal GOB. In 2003, President Lula appointed 4 Afro- Brazilians to his Cabinet, including Matilde Ribeiro as the head of the newly created Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality. At the Afro-Brazilian/African-American Business Summit in April, Judith Morrison of the Inter- American Foundation said that there are 632 black-owned businesses in Sao Paulo, and more than 7 million Afro- Brazilians in the middle class nation-wide. "Raca" ("Race") magazine, the first publication aimed specifically at an Afro-Brazilian audience, achieved immediate and unexpected success when it was launched in 1996, providing an indication of the untapped potential of Afro-Brazilian buying power and the growing interest in products tailor- made for Afro-Brazilians.
¶4. (U) Despite these indicators of progress, many Black Movement activists contend that the current pace of change is much too slow. Laia told us that the time is ripe for Afro-Brazilians to "take a leap forward" through affirmative action programs designed to expand Afro-Brazilian presence in educational institutions and in the senior ranks of government and business. She contends that integrating Afro- Brazilians into the economic and political mainstream will reduce prejudice. Many of our contacts expressed the view that Afro-Brazilians would not improve their socioeconomic status without a stronger presence in government. Sao Paulo City Councilwoman Claudete Alves argues that Afro-Brazilians must be involved in the development of public policy because it is "impossible to understand" Brazilian racism without seeing Brazil "from a black perspective." Jose Vicente, president of the Afro-Brazilian advocacy group AFROBRAS, told us that he believes that affirmative action measures can help to show Afro-Brazilians that "there is hope." He contends that offering black youth educational and employment opportunities, as well as positive role models, will have a positive impact that "will be felt throughout Brazil."
¶5. (U) The debate to date has revolved almost exclusively around the racial quotas recently introduced in several public universities (see septel on race and education policy). Opponents of affirmative action believe that race- based programs are misguided, because they view discrimination as a matter of social class rather than skin color. They argue that college entrance exams are color- blind, and that the low Afro-Brazilian participation in the upper echelons of society is not the result of racism. Some point out that Brazil's traditional system of racial self- identification is inadequate for the proposed quota systems, since it provides no objective basis for determining which candidates are eligible for programs, but worry that officially delineating the Afro-Brazilian community through the use of objective physical criteria would only increase racial divisions within society. Despite the objections, a public opinion poll conducted by the Sensus Institute in May, 2004, found that 61.1 percent of respondents support quotas for Afro-Brazilians in public universities.
PUBLIC SECTOR GETTING STARTED ------------------------------
¶6. (U) Afro-Brazilians are far from achieving equal representation in the public sector, but some progress has been made in the last decade. According to Claudete Alves, the only Afro-Brazilian woman on the Sao Paulo City Council, the mere fact that the government is acknowledging the existence of racism is a step in the right direction. Economic and social inclusion of Afro-Brazilians has become a political concern for the GOB. In addition to appointing Afro-Brazilians to the cabinet and creating a special cabinet post for race-related issues, President Lula has reached out to the Afro-Brazilian community with such visible gestures as visiting a traditional Afro-Brazilian community (quilombo). The Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty) has introduced a new program to assist Afro-Brazilians and other underprivileged groups to prepare for the rigorous entrance exam for the diplomatic service.
¶7. (U) Quota systems have been introduced in some municipalities in Sao Paulo state. Both state- and national- level institutions are exploring the possibilities for new affirmative action programs, some of which would go beyond quotas. The draft Statute of Racial Equality, sent to Brazilian Congress in April, would introduce quotas for federal workers, and offer incentives for private companies with government contracts to implement affirmative action programs. Other proposals include diversity training for police, who are often accused of racial profiling and of using unnecessary force against Afro-Brazilian suspects.
PRIVATE SECTOR SLOW TO TAKE ACTION -----------------------------------
¶8. (U) Anecdotal evidence indicates that discrimination in hiring practices is widespread, but not openly acknowledged or endorsed. Afro-Brazilian contacts tell us that a job announcement that requires a "nice appearance" is understood to mean that "blacks need not apply." Recent studies in Sao Paulo shopping malls by the researchers of the Inter- American Union Institute for Racial Equality (INSPIR) estimated that only 2 percent of the employees were "black," while another 13 percent were "brown" (mixed). Neide Aparecida Fonseca, president of INSPIR, concluded that there is "color and race-related prejudice" in hiring practices for "positions that are visible or require interaction with the public." However, studies of discrimination in employment are rare. Some activists conjecture that companies choose not to track their employees' racial identity, because they do not want to be pressured to introduce affirmative action measures. Recently, the Colombo clothing company introduced a twenty percent quota for Afro-Brazilians, but it is the only major company to have done so.
¶9. (U) Leaders of the Black Movement would like to see a push for affirmative action measures in the private sector. They assert that even multinational corporations that have affirmative action programs elsewhere have not instituted them in Brazil. At the Afro-Brazilian/African-American Business Summit in April, Dr. Sueli Carneiro, President of Geledes Institute for Black Women, criticized international companies operating in Brazil for "conforming to Brazilian racism," rather implementing affirmative action and nondiscrimination policies similar to those they use outside of Brazil.
LESSONS LEARNED FROM U.S. EXPERIENCE? -------------------------------------
¶10. (U) The affirmative action debate is seldom raised without reference to the U.S. experience. At the Afro- Brazilian/African-American Business Summit, Brazilian and U.S. participants were quick to point out that Brazil's present situation is comparable to that of the U.S. twenty or thirty years ago. Afro-Brazilian activists tend to view the current U.S. situation in a very positive light. From the Afro-Brazilian perspective, African-Americans have achieved considerable social, economic and political empowerment. Humberto Adami, president of the Institute of Racial and Environmental Advocacy, complained that most Brazilians do not hesitate to "import the American way of life...as seen on Fox Television," but "complain about copying the U.S." when it comes to affirmative action.
COMMENT --------
¶11. (SBU) Affirmative action is a relatively new and very controversial idea in Brazil. So far, affirmative action has not progressed beyond simple quota systems and attempts to increase recruitment of Afro-Brazilians to government positions and in a few public universities. While Brazilian authorities have yet to determine how far to carry such programs, affirmative action is the issue that has most sparked the interest of the general public, generated public debate, and drawn attention to the Black Movement in Brazil. Only time will tell whether the ambitions of the Black Movement on this and other issues will come to fruition, but the incipient mobilization of the Afro-Brazilian community that it represents could lead to wider changes over time in Brazilian politics. End comment.
¶12. (U) This message was coordinated with Embassy Brasilia and Consulate General Rio de Janeiro.
SCOTLAND: INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM NOT MOVING FORWARD IN JANUARY
DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/WE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/12/2020
TAGS: PGOV PREL PBTS UK
SUBJECT: SCOTLAND: INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM NOT MOVING
FORWARD IN JANUARY
REF: 09 LONDON 2500 Classified By: DCM Richard LeBaron, reasons 1.4 (b/d).
¶1. (SBU/NF) Summary and comment. First Minister Alex Salmond and his Scottish Nationalist Party-led (SNP) minority government are unlikely to introduce an independence referendum bill in the Scottish Parliament in January, as previously planned. According to well-placed sources, the SNP government's "referendum team" is now considering whether to go forward with the bill in February or March or whether to introduce the bill after Westminster elections conclude this spring. The SNP-led government is up against a block of opposition parties which has thus far vowed to kill any referendum. Given the tough political climate, the First Minister and his team are assessing their power to leverage the other parties into allowing the referendum bill to go forward this spring. If the bill goes forward and makes it through the introductory stage, then a referendum vote in late 2010 is likely. If the political climate proves too tough, First Minister Salmond and the SNP will not get their referendum vote and will likely continue to criticize opposition parties and their London-centric parent groups for continuing to undermine Scottish democracy and oppose the will of the Scottish electorate. Recent polling data suggests that only one-third of Scots support independence, while approximately two-thirds support increased devolution.
¶2. (C/NF) Salmond told the Ambassador in late 2009 that he does not have the support in the Scottish Parliament to pass a referendum bill. This appears to still be the case. However, with elections on the horizon and an SNP promise to deliver a referendum in its first term, we see a couple of possible scenarios. The SNP could introduce a bill calling for a referendum for Scotland's independence, knowing that it will be defeated. By doing so, the SNP would keep its promise and build campaign rhetoric about Scotland's democracy being stifled, claiming opposition parties were preventing Scots from having the opportunity to choose. Alternatively, the SNP could introduce a bill for a referendum calling for increased devolved powers, which opposition parties would be under pressure to back because of broad public support for increasing the Scottish government's authorities. End summary and comment.
The Origins of the Referendum Bill and Scottish Opposition Response ----------------------------------
¶3. (SBU) When First Minister Alex Salmond and his Scottish National Party (SNP) came into power in 2007 with a one-vote majority, they vowed to advance a core campaign promise to hold a referendum on Scottish independence during their first term in office. In response, Scottish opposition groups (who do not want an independent Scotland) supported the Scottish Parliament's creation of an independent committee in April 2008 to review the implementation of Scottish devolution since 1998, which became the Calman Commission on Scottish Devolution. In its final report released in late 2009, the Calman Commission recommended further devolved powers for Scotland, including a special Scottish income tax, ministerial powers to borrow funds for capital investments, and more negotiating powers for Scotland with the European Union.
¶4. (SBU/NF) Throughout 2009, UK Secretary of State for Scotland Jim Murphy played a leadership role in organizing the opposition parties, hoping to move Scotland toward implementation of the Calman recommendations as an alternative to an independence referendum, according to Murphy's advisors, Labour party insiders, and opposition party leaders. First Minister Salmond's response to independence critics (such as Murphy) has been to accelerate the implementation of the Calman recommendations as soon as possible - "to call the bluff." Some political pundits assess that opposition parties' inability to move on the report's recommendations has buoyed Salmond's case for a referendum. According to this theory, Salmond could gain politically by putting forward -- and winning -- with a softer referendum question that calls for further devolved powers, including those recommended by the Calman Commission (which is often referred to as the "devolution max" option). 5. (SBU/NF) Less controversial than full independence, "devolution max" enjoys broad public support. Nevertheless publicly, the SNP and opposition parties all claim that they would like a straight up-or-down vote on Scottish independence, as both sides continue to claim popular support for their respective positions. However, both the opposition LONDON 00000126 002 OF 003 and the SNP tell us privately that they would also support a referendum if the vote was only about further devolved powers, as long as the question was written in a politically neutral manner.
¶5. (SBU) At the opening of the Scottish Parliament in September 2009, Scottish National Party (SNP) First Minister Alex Salmond introduced a motion to discuss a possible independence referendum. The motion was roundly defeated. (Note: According to Scottish parliamentary experts, motions are considered "trial balloon discussions" of how a vote might be treated and are not formal. End note.) On November 30, 2009, Salmond launched his Government's White Paper on Scottish Independence, with the intention to introduce a bill into the Scottish Parliament in January 2010. If successful, the independence referendum would take place in autumn 2010. Over the past month, opposition parties (Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Green) have played on the weaknesses of the minority SNP-led government in order to stall SNP plans to introduce a referendum bill in January and to marginalize the SNP's political ambitions heading into the UK elections, which must be held before June, where the SNP hopes to increase its number of seats in Westminster.
Referendum Mechanics --------------------
¶6. (U) If the bill passes in the Scottish Parliament and goes forward, the Scottish Parliament will appoint a special committee to take evidence from constitutional and other experts. According to the team of government officials working on the referendum, once the bill is introduced, the government will naturally lose control of the process because it does not have enough votes to stack the special committee in the SNP's favor. This is one of the reasons the SNP has opted not to introduce the bill in January as originally planned, they have intimated. The Committee process could take up to three months. Parties will then negotiate the language of the bill and the language of the referendum question itself. Once the parties have agreed, the committee overseeing the process reports to the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament then debates the bill, makes revisions and conducts a full floor vote. If the bill gets to the debate stage, it is likely to pass. A simple majority is sufficient to pass the bill.
Conservative - SNP Deal? ------------------------
¶7. (SBU/NF) The political jockeying around the Scottish independence referendum has created a climate of political intrigue in Scotland, with facts and rumors generally intertwined. Since the Tories (historically weak in Scotland) allied themselves with the SNP in 2007 as part of the SNP-led minority government, SNP insiders and political pundits have suggested that the SNP struck a deal with the Tories whereby the Conservative Party would not obstruct a Scottish independence referendum vote in exchange for mutual support in Westminster and Holyrood elections. Scottish Tory leader Annabel Goldie told the Edinburgh PO in November 2009: "While we are very opposed to Scotland leaving the Union, if the will of the Scottish people is for Independence, we won't stand in the way. But we believe that the will is not there." Although the Scottish Tories are fundamentally opposed to Scottish independence, they do not oppose a vote as a matter of policy. Whether the SNP-Tory deal exists remains in question, and any real effect it would have would be determined by how well the Conservatives fare in the Westminster polls. In Westminster, Tory leader David Cameron has not made any clear pronouncements about the Conservatives Party position on an independence referendum for Scotland.
¶8. (SBU) The Liberal Democrats (Lib Dem) have also moderated some of their statements on a referendum vote. According to Scottish Lib Dem Leader, Tavish Scott, the Lib Dems are not opposed to a referendum vote, "provided the question isn't rigged by the SNP." National Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg said during a recent political rally in Scotland that there is an "unspoken affinity of interest" between Salmond and Cameron, alleging that the SNP and Tories share a "hostility for the Union."
What Scots Think About Independence and Devolution ---------------------------
¶9. (U) A poll published by the Center for Social Research on January 15, based on the responses of 1,482 individuals resident in Scotland interviewed in autumn 2009, indicates LONDON 00000126 003 OF 003 that only one third of Scots support full independence. Another third say independence would make no difference to their lives, and the third tier say that it would have a negative effect. Two-thirds, however, support increased devolution, as recommend by the Calman Commission report. Visit London's Classified Website: XXXXXXXXXXXX
SUSMAN
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/12/2020
TAGS: PGOV PREL PBTS UK
SUBJECT: SCOTLAND: INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM NOT MOVING
FORWARD IN JANUARY
REF: 09 LONDON 2500 Classified By: DCM Richard LeBaron, reasons 1.4 (b/d).
¶1. (SBU/NF) Summary and comment. First Minister Alex Salmond and his Scottish Nationalist Party-led (SNP) minority government are unlikely to introduce an independence referendum bill in the Scottish Parliament in January, as previously planned. According to well-placed sources, the SNP government's "referendum team" is now considering whether to go forward with the bill in February or March or whether to introduce the bill after Westminster elections conclude this spring. The SNP-led government is up against a block of opposition parties which has thus far vowed to kill any referendum. Given the tough political climate, the First Minister and his team are assessing their power to leverage the other parties into allowing the referendum bill to go forward this spring. If the bill goes forward and makes it through the introductory stage, then a referendum vote in late 2010 is likely. If the political climate proves too tough, First Minister Salmond and the SNP will not get their referendum vote and will likely continue to criticize opposition parties and their London-centric parent groups for continuing to undermine Scottish democracy and oppose the will of the Scottish electorate. Recent polling data suggests that only one-third of Scots support independence, while approximately two-thirds support increased devolution.
¶2. (C/NF) Salmond told the Ambassador in late 2009 that he does not have the support in the Scottish Parliament to pass a referendum bill. This appears to still be the case. However, with elections on the horizon and an SNP promise to deliver a referendum in its first term, we see a couple of possible scenarios. The SNP could introduce a bill calling for a referendum for Scotland's independence, knowing that it will be defeated. By doing so, the SNP would keep its promise and build campaign rhetoric about Scotland's democracy being stifled, claiming opposition parties were preventing Scots from having the opportunity to choose. Alternatively, the SNP could introduce a bill for a referendum calling for increased devolved powers, which opposition parties would be under pressure to back because of broad public support for increasing the Scottish government's authorities. End summary and comment.
The Origins of the Referendum Bill and Scottish Opposition Response ----------------------------------
¶3. (SBU) When First Minister Alex Salmond and his Scottish National Party (SNP) came into power in 2007 with a one-vote majority, they vowed to advance a core campaign promise to hold a referendum on Scottish independence during their first term in office. In response, Scottish opposition groups (who do not want an independent Scotland) supported the Scottish Parliament's creation of an independent committee in April 2008 to review the implementation of Scottish devolution since 1998, which became the Calman Commission on Scottish Devolution. In its final report released in late 2009, the Calman Commission recommended further devolved powers for Scotland, including a special Scottish income tax, ministerial powers to borrow funds for capital investments, and more negotiating powers for Scotland with the European Union.
¶4. (SBU/NF) Throughout 2009, UK Secretary of State for Scotland Jim Murphy played a leadership role in organizing the opposition parties, hoping to move Scotland toward implementation of the Calman recommendations as an alternative to an independence referendum, according to Murphy's advisors, Labour party insiders, and opposition party leaders. First Minister Salmond's response to independence critics (such as Murphy) has been to accelerate the implementation of the Calman recommendations as soon as possible - "to call the bluff." Some political pundits assess that opposition parties' inability to move on the report's recommendations has buoyed Salmond's case for a referendum. According to this theory, Salmond could gain politically by putting forward -- and winning -- with a softer referendum question that calls for further devolved powers, including those recommended by the Calman Commission (which is often referred to as the "devolution max" option). 5. (SBU/NF) Less controversial than full independence, "devolution max" enjoys broad public support. Nevertheless publicly, the SNP and opposition parties all claim that they would like a straight up-or-down vote on Scottish independence, as both sides continue to claim popular support for their respective positions. However, both the opposition LONDON 00000126 002 OF 003 and the SNP tell us privately that they would also support a referendum if the vote was only about further devolved powers, as long as the question was written in a politically neutral manner.
¶5. (SBU) At the opening of the Scottish Parliament in September 2009, Scottish National Party (SNP) First Minister Alex Salmond introduced a motion to discuss a possible independence referendum. The motion was roundly defeated. (Note: According to Scottish parliamentary experts, motions are considered "trial balloon discussions" of how a vote might be treated and are not formal. End note.) On November 30, 2009, Salmond launched his Government's White Paper on Scottish Independence, with the intention to introduce a bill into the Scottish Parliament in January 2010. If successful, the independence referendum would take place in autumn 2010. Over the past month, opposition parties (Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Green) have played on the weaknesses of the minority SNP-led government in order to stall SNP plans to introduce a referendum bill in January and to marginalize the SNP's political ambitions heading into the UK elections, which must be held before June, where the SNP hopes to increase its number of seats in Westminster.
Referendum Mechanics --------------------
¶6. (U) If the bill passes in the Scottish Parliament and goes forward, the Scottish Parliament will appoint a special committee to take evidence from constitutional and other experts. According to the team of government officials working on the referendum, once the bill is introduced, the government will naturally lose control of the process because it does not have enough votes to stack the special committee in the SNP's favor. This is one of the reasons the SNP has opted not to introduce the bill in January as originally planned, they have intimated. The Committee process could take up to three months. Parties will then negotiate the language of the bill and the language of the referendum question itself. Once the parties have agreed, the committee overseeing the process reports to the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament then debates the bill, makes revisions and conducts a full floor vote. If the bill gets to the debate stage, it is likely to pass. A simple majority is sufficient to pass the bill.
Conservative - SNP Deal? ------------------------
¶7. (SBU/NF) The political jockeying around the Scottish independence referendum has created a climate of political intrigue in Scotland, with facts and rumors generally intertwined. Since the Tories (historically weak in Scotland) allied themselves with the SNP in 2007 as part of the SNP-led minority government, SNP insiders and political pundits have suggested that the SNP struck a deal with the Tories whereby the Conservative Party would not obstruct a Scottish independence referendum vote in exchange for mutual support in Westminster and Holyrood elections. Scottish Tory leader Annabel Goldie told the Edinburgh PO in November 2009: "While we are very opposed to Scotland leaving the Union, if the will of the Scottish people is for Independence, we won't stand in the way. But we believe that the will is not there." Although the Scottish Tories are fundamentally opposed to Scottish independence, they do not oppose a vote as a matter of policy. Whether the SNP-Tory deal exists remains in question, and any real effect it would have would be determined by how well the Conservatives fare in the Westminster polls. In Westminster, Tory leader David Cameron has not made any clear pronouncements about the Conservatives Party position on an independence referendum for Scotland.
¶8. (SBU) The Liberal Democrats (Lib Dem) have also moderated some of their statements on a referendum vote. According to Scottish Lib Dem Leader, Tavish Scott, the Lib Dems are not opposed to a referendum vote, "provided the question isn't rigged by the SNP." National Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg said during a recent political rally in Scotland that there is an "unspoken affinity of interest" between Salmond and Cameron, alleging that the SNP and Tories share a "hostility for the Union."
What Scots Think About Independence and Devolution ---------------------------
¶9. (U) A poll published by the Center for Social Research on January 15, based on the responses of 1,482 individuals resident in Scotland interviewed in autumn 2009, indicates LONDON 00000126 003 OF 003 that only one third of Scots support full independence. Another third say independence would make no difference to their lives, and the third tier say that it would have a negative effect. Two-thirds, however, support increased devolution, as recommend by the Calman Commission report. Visit London's Classified Website: XXXXXXXXXXXX
SUSMAN
Saturday, June 4, 2011
Kg Tradisi Melayu WPKL
Saturday, May 28, 2011
Cadangan KG TRADISI, Kg PERLANCUNGAN DAN KG PINTAR
  |
| KU IMPIKAN SUASANA SEMASA ZAMAN KANAK2 , SUASANA MASIH ADA PADA MASA KINI |
A) KG.TRADISI,
i) Mengekalkan Suasana INFRASTRUKTUR, LANDSKAP, KOMUNITI, REKABENTUK Dan CORAK KEHIDUPAN SEDIA ADA.
ii) Mempraktikkan suasana hidup bergotong -royong, Bermesyuarat dan bermuafakat pd setiap penghuni dan penduduk KG.
iii) Memperkenalkan konsep Ubahsuai, rekabentuk dan susunatur yang perlu ditambah nilai terhadap setiap pemilik rumah yg terlibat
iv) Memberi INFO dan mengumpul DATA , serta menyediakan kemudahan, bahan-bahan , INFO , biodata dan salsilah (family Tree) serta mengadakan setiap rumah satu agenda konsep mengikut keperluan dan kemampuan mereka.
v) Mengadakan Ikatan,serta TERMA, prasyarat, dijadikan panduan serta garis yg sesuai kepada semua pihak yg terlibat pemilik Tanah, Pihak Kerajaan, NGO dan PERSATUAN PENDUDUK.
vii) Menjadikan KG Tradisi dapat mengubah sikap dan perubahan secara evolusi minda dan mentaliti serta sikap yg positif kepada setiap org yg terlibat.
viii) Setiap yg terlibat , adalah WARGANEGARA dan Pemilik yg sah serta masih hidup.
MENJALA DI SUNGAI MASIH DIKEKALKAN KERANA USAHA PBT MENJAGA DAN MENGEKALKAN KEBERSIHAN.SUNGAI.GOMBAK.
B) KG PERLANCUNGAN
i) Setiap Rumah dan landskap dijadikan bertujuan menarik Pelancung serta dgn mengadakan aturcara, konsep persembhan, spt " Henti , Hidang dan JAMU"
ii) Setiap Rumah dan Landskap, menyediakan aturcara, persembahan kesenian, perusahaan konsepkan inds kecil untuk Kraf , gubahan, masakan, tenunan yg berbentuk tradisi.
iii) Setiap rumah dan Landskap yg telah diubah suai menjadi Galeri atau Muzium mengikut PIAWAIAN Kem Penerangan, Komunikasi dan Kebudayaan.
iv) Setiap Kg mengadakan Aturcara Karnival tahunan, dgn mengadakan pertandingan2, persembahan2 dan INFO2 serta IDEA2 pembangunan Tradisi yg lebih Efektif
DIKEKALKAN LANDSKAP (DITAMBAH NILAI) ,
REKABENTUK RUMAH (DIKAJI KEUTUHAN BANGUNAN DIGALAKKAN)
C).KG.PINTAR.
Bidang ini saya kurang arif. secara ringkas yg saya difaham oleh pihak Kem Penerangan, Komunikasi dan Kebudayaan akan membantu mengadakan kemudahan Broadband, WI-5, fasiliti ICT, kemudahan Siaran TV Khas BERKABEL FIBER OPTIK seperti ASTRO.
Setiap perkara tersebut akan dijelaskan kelak dlm waktu terdekat
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